Thursday, October 6, 2005

The Senate finally does the obvious - it tries to make the mistreatment of prisoners outside the law

Yesterday, the Senate voted overwhelmingly in support of an amendment to a military appropriations bill to regulate how the military can treat its prisoners. Led in part by Republican Senator John McCain, a prisoner of war in Vietnam for over 5 years who was repeatedly mistreated/tortured, the amendment's goal is two-fold: 1) To ban "cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;" and 2) to make US armed forces comply with interrogation techniques as outlined in the latest version of the Army Field Manual.
McCain stated:
"Mr. President, let me just close by noting that I hold no brief for the prisoners. I do hold a brief for the reputation of the United States of America. We are Americans, and we hold ourselves to humane standards of treatment of people no matter how evil or terrible they may be. To do otherwise undermines our security, but it also undermines our greatness as a nation. We are not simply any other country. We stand for something more in the world – a moral mission, one of freedom and democracy and human rights at home and abroad. We are better than these terrorists, and we will we win. The enemy we fight has no respect for human life or human rights. They don’t deserve our sympathy. But this isn’t about who they are. This is about who we are. These are the values that distinguish us from our enemies"
It's tough to argue against the Senator's logic. While it is sometimes inconvenient in situations such as military and police actions, disregarding the rights of others puts us on a slippery slope that has and will continue to lead some to go too far. At least with this amendment in place and part of our laws, Americans can truly point to situations of abuse and say that the perpetrators are not following sanctioned conduct.
By the way, the vote on this amendment was 90-9 (with one Senator not voting). Care to see who wanted to keep mistreatment/torture as a legal tool in our interrogation arsenal? See the voting results here.

So what is the White House response? In the October 5th press briefing, White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan made these statements:
"Well, there are already laws on the books, and so I think part of this, if you go back and look at the statement of administration policy that we put out, it would be unnecessary and duplicative. And it would limit the President's ability as Commander-in-Chief to effectively carry out the war on terrorism."
"Well, we put out the statement of administration policy, which stated our concerns about that and stated -- let me specifically refer you to it -- our views when it came to if those amendments were part of the final legislation. It said, if it's presented, then there would be a recommendation of a veto, I believe."

So in order to keep the legal capability to mistreat prisoners, the White House is willing to veto the bill, despite the fact that McCain notes the amendment has the support of "28 former high-ranking military officers, including General Joseph Hoar, who commanded Centcom; General John Shalikashvili, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs; RADM John Hutson and RADM Don Guter, who each served as the Navy’s top JAG; and LTGEN Claudia Kennedy, who served as Deputy Chief of Staff for Army Intelligence."
Certainly tough times call for tough measures, but when tough, experienced men like McCain say we need to not only condemn, but also make illegal prisoner mistreatment, it's about time we did. Better late than never.
Let's hope this bill and its amendment make it out of Congress, forcing the White House to explain just why they need to keep mistreatment a viable option for our citizen soldiers.

By his terms, the President can't win the War on Terror

On October 6, President Bush delivered a speech that outlined why America was fighting the War on Terror in general, and fighting in Iraq in particular. Given the Administration's declining poll numbers, the speech was an important event. Rather than relying on the right or left to interpret the Administration's strategy and goals, let's examine the President's own words (note that some of the quotes are out of order in order to create logical groupings; hopefully, nothing is taken out of context).

In the President's own words
On the current struggle:
"And yet the fight we have joined is also the current expression of an ancient struggle, between those who put their faith in dictators, and those who put their faith in the people."
"The murderous ideology of the Islamic radicals is the great challenge of our new century. Yet, in many ways, this fight resembles the struggle against communism in the last century."
"We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we're answering history's call with confidence, and a comprehensive strategy."
On the enemy:
"Some call this evil Islamic radicalism; others, militant Jihadism; still others, Islamo-fascism. Whatever it's called, this ideology is very different from the religion of Islam. This form of radicalism exploits Islam to serve a violent, political vision: the establishment, by terrorism and subversion and insurgency, of a totalitarian empire that denies all political and religious freedom."
"Many militants are part of global, borderless terrorist organizations like al Qaeda..."
"Other militants are found in regional groups, often associated with al Qaeda..."
"Still others spring up in local cells, inspired by Islamic radicalism, but not centrally directed."
On the global militant strategy:
"First, these extremists want to end American and Western influence in the broader Middle East, because we stand for democracy and peace, and stand in the way of their ambitions."
"Second, the militant network wants to use the vacuum created by an American retreat to gain control of a country, a base from which to launch attacks and conduct their war against non-radical Muslim governments."
"Third, the militants believe that controlling one country will rally the Muslim masses, enabling them to overthrow all moderate governments in the region, and establish a radical Islamic empire that spans from Spain to Indonesia."
"Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy pursues totalitarian aims. Its leaders pretend to be an aggrieved party, representing the powerless against imperial enemies. In truth they have endless ambitions of imperial domination, and they wish to make everyone powerless except themselves."
"We're facing a radical ideology with inalterable objectives: to enslave whole nations and intimidate the world."
On state support of terrorists:
"They have been sheltered by authoritarian regimes, allies of convenience like Syria and Iran, that share the goal of hurting America and moderate Muslim governments, and use terrorist propaganda to blame their own failures on the West and America, and on the Jews."
"The United States makes no distinction between those who commit acts of terror and those who support and harbor them, because they're equally as guilty of murder."
On victory:
"We will confront this mortal danger to all humanity. We will not tire, or rest, until the war on terror is won."
"Against such an enemy, there is only one effective response: We will never back down, never give in, and never accept anything less than complete victory."
"Our commitment is clear: We will not relent until the organized international terror networks are exposed and broken, and their leaders held to account for their acts of murder."
On negotiating with the enemy:
"In fact, we're not facing a set of grievances that can be soothed and addressed. We're facing a radical ideology with inalterable objectives: to enslave whole nations and intimidate the world. No act of ours invited the rage of the killers -- and no concession, bribe, or act of appeasement would change or limit their plans for murder."
The US strategy:
"We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we're answering history's call with confidence, and a comprehensive strategy."
"First, we're determined to prevent the attacks of terrorist networks before they occur."
"Second, we're determined to deny weapons of mass destruction to outlaw regimes, and to their terrorist allies who would use them without hesitation."
"Third, we're determined to deny radical groups the support and sanctuary of outlaw regimes."
"Fourth, we're determined to deny the militants control of any nation, which they would use as a home base and a launching pad for terror."
"The fifth element of our strategy in the war on terror is to deny the militants future recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with democracy and hope across the broader Middle East."
"If the peoples of that region are permitted to choose their own destiny, and advance by their own energy and by their participation as free men and women, then the extremists will be marginalized, and the flow of violent radicalism to the rest of the world will slow, and eventually end."
On the progress of the War on Terror:
"Because of this steady progress, the enemy is wounded -- but the enemy is still capable of global operations."
"We don't know the course of our own struggle -- the course our own struggle will take -- or the sacrifices that might lie ahead. We do know, however, that the defense of freedom is worth our sacrifice. We do know the love of freedom is the mightiest force of history. And we do know the cause of freedom will once again prevail."
Examining the message: A can't-win strategy
American soldiers continue to die in Afghanistan, Iraq, and other parts of the world as part of the War on Terror (for the most up-to-date official numbers, go to the Department of Defense page here, then on the right column, under "Press Resources," click on "Casualty Reports"). Casualties will occur in any conflict -- whether a military action is viewed as justified, such as WW II, or questioned, such as Vietnam. But America should avoid engaging in a strategy that cannot succeed. We should have clear, achievable objectives (if it can't be won, at least tell us that it's our modern day Alamo, out last glorious stand -- for an ideal we all hold dear or for self-preservation). Unfortunately, the President's own speech demonstrates that his War on Terror -- as he defines it -- is simply unwinnable. Why? Because:
  • We are fighting an idea. First, he defines the combatants as a variety of militants and terrorists, banded together by an extreme view of Islam. He then goes on to describe a shared agenda and strategy. He lumps together groups, such as Iraqi insurgents, 9/11 hijackers, and Beslan terrorists, as one and the same, even though their actual agendas and motivations are not identical. What we are really fighting is a series of global skirmishes with a variety of organizations that are loosely grouped together under the banner of extremist Islam. But you can't wage war on an idea, and you can't arrest and kill a concept. Unfortunately, that is what we are doing now.

  • There is no way to win according to his goals. The President says the United States will never back down until it has achieved "complete victory" and "until the organized international terror networks are exposed and broken." But is this outcome possible given the three groupings of militants the President described? We could win WW II by forcing the unconditional surrender of Japan and Germany. How can we get all the militants to surrender? They don't answer to one leader or live in one country. No one can stand on the deck of a battleship and sign a peace treaty. And since the President says "no concession, bribe, or act of appeasement would change or limit their plans for murder," there is no way to achieve victory except through the surrender, capture, or the killing of each and every militant in the world.
We certainly shouldn't back down from a fight that we think is justified. But if we are fighting an idea, don't accept anything but absolute victory, and refuse to contemplate any non-military solutions, victory can never be achieved.
We shouldn't give in to terrorists, and there are many that will fight to the death rather than change their ways. But we can't continue on with this fool-hearted strategy. We need coordinated and dedicated military, law enforcement, diplomatic, cultural, and social efforts to rid the world of the existing terrorists and to prevent the next-generation from emerging.
In his own carefully crafted words, the President outlined a strategy that cannot be successful. It's time for Republicans, Democrats, and others to understand this failure and demand a change.